U.S. and Russia Make History

Paul Kengor and Jeff Chidester

      Paul Kengor is associate professor of political science at Grove City College. He is currently writing What Reagan Knew: the President's Personal Role in the Administration's Effort to Undermine the Soviet Empire. Jeff Chidester is a research associate at the Shenango Institute for Public Policy, a Western Pennsylvania-based think tank.

      It was a late dinner on a cold Geneva day on November 20, 1985. The leaders of the world's two most dominant powers dined and talked. Thanks to documents declassified in May 2000, we can now read their conversation. A surprise came at the end of dinner, when Ronald Reagan of the United States turned to Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union and made an unexpected suggestion. The issue of the Islamic population of the USSR had come up. Perhaps, said Reagan to his counterpart, America and the USSR could work together to "keep an eye on another revolution"-a "fundamentalist Islamic revolution . . . which teaches that the way to heaven is to kill a non-believer." The Soviet leader was intrigued.
      The USSR then and Russia today believes it faces a problem with radical Islam. U.S. officials obviously see a threat to their nation as well, greatly magnified by recent experience.
      What Reagan suggested on that day in 1985 was quite new, and had been confined to only those around the table that evening. As the Cold War receded, the idea of a U.S.-Russia partnership to confront radical Islamic fundamentalism began to grow. Equally significant, a debate began over whether radical Islam would replace Communism as the next global "ism" we needed to fear. A domino effect of radical Islamic states from Iran to Sudan might emerge, sponsoring terrorism throughout the world. Just as Moscow was the headquarters of the Comintern, we heard talk of Tehran as capital of a "Khomeintern." A U.S.-Russian partnership was re-examined in that compelling light. Just as the two nations joined together to fight the Nazi threat in WWII (and briefly sided in WWI as well), they might perhaps be allies again in this new war. The Cold War, then, was the long exception. The two might work together again as partners in another global battle. Moreover, even if radical Islam would not, in fact, become the threat that Communism was, it still might be a serious threat nonetheless, one that might cross continents.
      That was once theory, mere conjecture. Alas, the possibility of such a historic alliance now seems upon us, prompted by the tragedies of September 11. The United States and Russia are now in the process of forging a historic partnership to combat what may be the new global threat of the twenty-first century: radical Islamic terrorism. This partnership has developed over the past several weeks. Following the attacks, President Vladimir Putin issued a call for "cooperative international action" against terrorism. In the days following, assistance seemed limited, but one week later Russia's initial position was altered, resulting in a flood of support from the Central Asian region. First, Kazakhstan offered all practical support to the United States, including aerodromes, overflight rights, and military bases. Putin then made a significant overture, announcing a package of assistance to the cause: Russian airspace for humanitarian aid, information on Afghan bases and operations, aid in search-and-rescue operations, intensified military support of the Northern Alliance, and even a pledge to increase oil output should supplies be threatened during this conflict.
      He also told President Bush he would personally urge leaders of the Central Asian republics to join the coalition. This point should not be understated. With Moscow's definitive support, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-all of whom share borders with Afghanistan-offered both military bases and airspace. Russia's solidarity with the United States was augmented following the first U.S. military strikes in Afghanistan on October 7. In a televised statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry unequivocally supported the airstrikes, saying "it was time for decisive action" against this "international center of terrorism and extremism." More importantly, Russia urged both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to extend military cooperation to the United States. Putin also responded to the strikes with words of support. He called the U.S. strike an "adequate response." In a show of real unity with the coalition, Putin said the terrorists "did not expect such a unity of humanity before the common enemy."
      There are other signs that Russia is forging a new, lasting partnership with the United States and its allies. Putin has met with key members of both NATO and the European Union over the past week. The EU Trade Commission's Pascal Lamy promised Putin on October 3rd that the group would accelerate efforts to bring Russia into the World Trade Organization, as well as boost security cooperation with Moscow over terrorism. Surprisingly, Putin has even softened opposition to NATO's eastward expansion, claiming he would reconsider objections if Moscow was more involved in the decision. NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson rightly viewed Putin's cooperation with NATO members as "a major milestone in NATO-Russian relations."
      These are just some steps. We can surely expect continuing U.S.-Russian cooperation on matters like intelligence sharing. And that could remain for the duration of a war against radical Islamic terrorism.
      This is just a beginning. If this partnership is real and lasts throughout a long, coming struggle against the forces of radical Islam, the United States and Russia will have written another chapter in their bilateral relationship. Within one hundred years, the two will have teamed up three times in major global campaigns since 1917, sparring as adversaries once, albeit a long contest, from the mid 1940s to the late 1980s. Something quite historic may be transpiring before us right now. We must not underestimate it.