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A Word from London
Herbert London
Herbert
London is John M. Olin Professor of Humanities at N.Y.U., President of the
Hudson Institute, author of Decade of
Denial, published by Lexington Books, and publisher of American Outlook. He can be reached at:
www.herblondon.org. Toyota: An American
Company (?) While the issue of job creation has
been highlighted on the presidential campaign trail, few Americans have the foggiest
idea about how jobs are created and who does the creating. Let me cite an example. Recently I
asked some colleagues, who are purportedly sophisticated about economics, which
company produced the most American jobs in the last five years. The choices:
General Motors, Microsoft, 3M, Ford, General Electric and Toyota. Not one
person had the right answer, which is Toyota. Yes, this is a Japanese company now
producing 1.9 million cars in the United States and continuing to expand its
North American operation. Why this is the case provides clues
about job creation. The so-called Big Three (GM, Ford and Daimler Chrysler) are
so fettered by union contracts that they are outsourcing much of their
manufacturing offshore. It’s the only way for these companies to keep the
price of their cars within striking distance of the competition. Toyota, by contrast, is not weighted
down with union contracts. In fact, by producing and marketing its cars within
the U.S. it can reduce transactional costs and transportation uncertainties. It
pays for Toyota to be a local manufacturer. The Big Three has a wage scale and
benefit package that places enormous upward pressure on the price of a vehicle.
A guaranteed salary for employees after three consecutive years of employment—the
present commitment—is tantamount to a tenure system. Moreover, health
insurance amounts to more than $5 thousand per employee, a sum more than twice
that of annual Chinese wages in GM’s Shanghai plant. What this means in effect, is that
Toyota is as much, if not more, an American company as Ford. Most
significantly, by being able to reduce expenses within the U.S. and transport
cars internally with relative assurance, Toyota can compete effectively with
any U.S. car company. The ability to make a quality product
which is very much in demand and at the same time control costs, allows for
expansion of the market. That is how jobs get created. Unfortunately the Big Three are
trapped by their own contracts. They can’t break them; they cannot renegotiate
them and they cannot survive with them. Hence an effort is being made to
manufacture as many parts of the “American” car as possible in low
wage nations, most specifically China. The irony of this scenario is that as
American companies produce cars in Asia, Toyota, a Japanese company, is
expanding its presence in the U.S. One might well ask which of these car
manufacturers is the true American company. There was a time not so long ago when
Lee Iacocca was challenging the importation of Japanese cars because of what he
claimed was an “unfair wage advantage.” Clearly a wage and benefits
disparity between U.S. firms and Japan may well exist, albeit the wage scale
differences have declined, but the real advantage lies in being free of onerous
union contracts. Toyota is a great company with unparalleled manufacturing
techniques and a unique assembly production line. But it also helps to be
unencumbered with costly entangling, union contracts. With the introduction of
a car that parks itself, the hybrid engine and the “crash free”
automobile Toyota maintains its lead as an innovator in the industry. Management realizes that it
isn’t only relatively low costs that ensure success; in a field as
competitive as car manufacturing, successful companies must remain ahead of the
curve. That means being innovative enough to carve out a market niche. Toyota has done that on the
international level and will soon move from 10 percent of the world’s
total car manufacturing to 15 percent. Yet what is most interesting and
surprising from an American perspective is the extent to which this Japanese
firm is increasingly an American company. I wonder what Mr. Iacocca would say
about that. In a relatively free market system few people—including many
experts—haven’t taken notice of this great change in the car
industry. Condoleezza Rice and the
Issue of Race Much has been written about
Condoleezza Rice’s testimony before the 9/11 commission and I’m
sure much more will be written. But an article by Alessandra Stanley, New
York Times, 4/10/04, caught my eye. She wrote: There was absolutely nothing in Condoleezza
Rice’s neutral-toned suit, primly folded hands or calm demeanor to draw
attention to her sex or race. Her answers, guarded, prosaic and a bit pedantic,
were typical of any high-level Washington official. She
went on to note that Ms. Rice as a black woman “is rarely mentioned in
Washington.” “She is so much a part of the establishment and blends
so smoothly into the buttoned-down Bush White House that her heritage is
usually invisible.” Perhaps I am overly sensitive, but it
appears to me that Ms. Stanley’s description is remarkably condescending.
Why should Ms. Rice’s appearance draw attention to her race? Or the corollary,
doesn’t her appearance speak to her race? Why shouldn’t her answers
be typical of a high level Washington official? And why shouldn’t she blend
into the Bush White House? After all, Ms. Rice is black and proud
of her heritage. She is a high level official in Washington and who better to
blend in than someone on whom the president relies. Would Ms. Stanley have been
impressed if Ms. Rice spoke in rap rhymes like Jesse Jackson? Would it have
been appropriate for her to dress like Janet Jackson? And should she speak as
if she went to the Al Sharpton gospel school? What we are dealing with I suspect is
a journalistic stereotype, what some have called liberal racism. Ms. Stanley
seems to find it hard to accept Ms. Rice on her own terms. Despite the fact,
she was raised in segregated Birmingham, Alabama, Rice considers her success to
be a function of her upbringing by college- educated parents who prodded her to
excel. There is therefore nothing unusual
about her demeanor and no reason to bring attention to her race. She was at the
commission to testify as a government official, not as a black government
official or even a female government official. There was a time not so long ago when
most Americans black and white, liberal and conservative, would have rejoiced
at the apparent “color blindness” in Ms. Rice’s testimony.
But as Ms. Stanley seems to imply those days are long gone. Race and sex seem
to trump other considerations, a legacy of university English department
programs and what passes for journalistic studies. In fact, this attitude is ensconced in
certain partially developed minds. Recently, I accompanied my wife who went to
see her cardiologist for a check-up. During the course of this visit the doctor
and I engaged in a conversation about politics. After the by now anticipated
attack on President Bush, she proceeded to call Ms. Rice an “oreo,”
white on the inside but black on the outside. I was offended and asked her to
explain. After sputtering for a moment, she
proceeded to rely on a host of stereotypes about blacks. This from a
well-educated physician who wears her liberal views as a hirsute. When put on
the spot, she did engage in a strategic retreat, but it was too little, too
late. Even she recognized her brazen disregard for individual differences. The curious thing about this encounter
is that it isn’t unusual. Racism of the right—a crude reliance on
racial stereotyping—has been replaced by a racism of the left with its
own set of stereotypes. What has been left out of this racial
equation is the intelligence and achievement of the president’s national
security adviser. She is a formidable representative of the government’s
position whatever her race or gender. That is what Americans should remember
about her testimony. Unfortunately, that isn’t the case, as Ms.
Stanley’s article attests. Lenin, News Accounts and Anti-Bush Sentiment I sometimes get the impression that
some members of the Washington press corps employ tactics that came out of
Lenin’s playbook. Lenin argued what is good is what advances the
proletarian revolution. It doesn’t have to be true or humane; it must
simply advance the goals of the Party. In 2004 there is a new refrain, but an
echo from the past: what is good is what advances anti-Bush sentiments. Here
too the claims do not have to be true as long as the cause is advanced. For months newspaper editorials
decried the loss of jobs. The rather odd word “outsourcing” became
a source of disdain. Bush was credited with destroying the employment market. Then, of course, a funny thing
happened on the way to the editorial page. The March Labor Department figures
were published which showed remarkable growth in job creation and acquisition.
In fact, these are the most favorable numbers in four years. Similarly, Bush was saddled with a
“near depression” by the journalistic community until the
statistics for the last half of 2003 were published. These numbers showed a
startling 13 percent growth rate during that period, the fastest G.D.P. growth
in twenty years. On the foreign policy front the press
corps stumbled all over itself in an effort to embrace the claims and criticism
of Richard Clarke. It refused to examine the obvious: How is it possible that
Condi Rice “never even heard” of al Qaeda in 2001 and was it
unreasonable for the president to ask about Iraq’s involvement with
terrorism after two of those who attacked the World Trade Center in ‘93
were Iraqi citizens who returned to their country of origin as heroes? Pushing the ball forward invariably
means embarrassing the president. Since weapons of mass destruction have not
been found in Iraq, the president must ipso facto have been lying about his casus belli. It hasn’t occurred to most journalists that
President Clinton also believed Saddam Hussein possessed these weapons and, as
a matter of fact, Hussein used poison gas to kill 40,000 Kurds. Isn’t that
a weapon of mass destruction? Then there is the press canard
bolstered by Richard Clarke that Saddam was a distraction, the wrong enemy.
However, Abu Nidal and Abu Abbas—two of the world’s most notorious
terrorists—found a congenial home in Iraq. Al Qaeda maintained a training
camp in Iraq and the head of Iraq’s secret police met with Mohammed Atta,
the prime planner of 9/11. Moreover, from a geostrategic point of
view doesn’t it make sense to have a presence in “the
neighborhood” that spawns terrorism? What nation other than Iraq shares a
border with Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia, three nations largely responsible for
promoting international terrorism? As I see it, strategic Leninism is
alive and well ensconced in press corps opinion. Fortunately most Americans are
suspicious of press accounts and editorial opinions. But that is most Americans, not all Americans. Some people are suggestible and some
welcome anti-Bush sentiment even when transparently untrue. What has happened in recent years is
that some sectors of the journalistic community are an extension of a political
party, partisan to the core. They view their job as defeating President Bush
thereby using news accounts, or should I say selective news accounts, as an instrument
to promote their aims. Lenin is gone, thank God, but his
tactics survive. As a consequence, news is now what advances the party
apparatus, a condition not dissimilar from days of yore in the erstwhile Soviet
Union. Colleges That Don’t Require Core Subjects A recent report by the American
Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) entitled “The Hollow Core: Failure
of the General Education Curriculum,” reveals that most college students
can graduate without taking basic subjects such as math, science, composition,
literature, economics, government or American history. Despite the lip service university
presidents give to the foundation of knowledge, most students find the
loopholes in academic programs so that credits can be accumulated without
studying basic subjects. As a consequence, the study notes, “colleges are
offering ‘little more than a hollow core.’” This report surveyed 50 colleges and
universities, including all Big Eight and Big Ten universities, the Ivy League,
the Seven Sisters Colleges and an additional grouping of 13 colleges to provide
institutional and geographical breadth. Of
the seven basic subjects examined economics fared the worst. Not one of the
institutions surveyed requires a general course in economics. Only 12 percent
mandate a course in literature, while a mere 14 percent of the colleges require
students to study American government or history. Is it any wonder Johnny cannot cite a
Shakespearean play, explain a supply and demand curve or offer a defense for
the separation of powers? In fact, none of the colleges surveyed
require all seven subjects and only one, Baylor University, requires six. Barry
Latzer, the principal architect of the study, said, “This study
demonstrates that the colleges have abdicated their responsibility to direct
their students—especially freshman and sophomores—to the most
important subjects.” Most students, as I see it and as this
study attests, are wanderers searching through a catalogue for course titles
that appeal to them, often a decision based on what is fashionable. The result
is hardly a surprise; thousands of students graduating with only a thin veneer
of knowledge and yawning gaps in their educational background. Many colleges contend that students
take courses in subjects other than a major—what is often referred to as
“distribution requirements.” However, the distribution system
allows students to select from dozens, sometimes hundreds, of courses. Whatever
their merits, most of these courses are narrowly defined or unsuitable as
foundational experiences. Needless to say, the report calls for
fundamental reform, a reform that moves from an arbitrary smorgasbord approach
to systematic requirements reflecting educational foundations. The problem at the moment is that
college students know very little and don’t know what they don’t
know. To ask an uneducated student to select a course of study is to suggest the
blind should lead the blind. Recently several college students
expressed wonderment over why the streets of Venice were so often flooded.
Another student asked me whether the American Revolution was based on events in
the French Revolution. There is scarcely a professor in higher education who
cannot provide similar examples of incompetence. Higher education is a scandal
waiting to be exposed. It is rife with “educated incompetents.” ACTA has performed yet another
valuable service in exposing the hollowness at the core of higher education. It
is my profound hope that someone of prominence will adopt this study and convert
it into policy prescriptions. I’m not sure anyone in the
academy will be listening. But it will do university presidents good to know
that their empty, but expensive, game is up. We as a society are paying a hefty
price to see our students in an uneducated state. Surely it is time for change
in the form of real requirements. Ω “The World’s
becoming a museum of socialist failures.” —John Dos Passos
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